KENT DAVIES: You’re listening to Preserves: A Manitoba Food History Podcast. Exploring the rich, flavourful history of Manitoba food and the people who make it, sell it, and eat it. From the packing table to the dinner table. From restaurant specials to grandma’s secret recipes. We consider the cultural, social, and commercial aspects of Manitoba food and what it means to us. I’m your host Kent Davies. As per usual, I’m joined by Manitoba historian, Professor Janis Thiessen.

JANIS THIESSEN: Hi, Kent. What’s in the pantry for us today?

KENT DAVIES: Today we’re doing another episode featuring podcasts from students in your recent food history class, Bryanne Mysak and Emma Dubeski. First up, Bryanne’s podcast focuses on the idea of unskilled labour vs. skilled labour in the workforce and misconceptions surrounding what unskilled labour actually is.

JANIS THIESSEN: Yes, and it features an interview I did with John Calogeris, owner of Winnipeg staple VJ’s Drive Inn.

KENT DAVIES: Oh, I love VJ’s.

JANIS THIESSEN: Yes, it is a personal favourite of mine! One of our earliest podcasts you remember was about the history of the fat boy, the classic burger that is the essential menu item of Greek Canadian restaurants in Manitoba. And, hot take: there is no better fat boy in this province, in my opinion, than the VJ’s Special. Part of it is the atmosphere of the place: VJ’s is a tiny but spotless venue, strictly take-out. You stand in line, your order is memorized rather than written down by the cooks, and if you’re lucky, you get a chance to meet John, known for his rapid speech, his love of his father, and his commitment to his restaurant. The burger itself features a Greek chili sauce and mayonnaise in perfect not-too-drippy proportions, a handmade hamburger patty, pickles and tomatoes and shredded lettuce, all held together in a locally-made bun. Thanks, Kent, now I’m hungry!

KENT DAVIES: Yeah, me too. I love VJ’s and Calogeris is such a great Winnipeg character. Everybody knows him and I’m really excited to hear what he has to say.

JANIS THIESSEN: Yes, let’s listen.

JOHN CALOGERIS: That skilled and unskilled, I don’t agree with it, that in some ways is very unfair. It makes it sound like, what, he’s sitting in the corner with a dunce cap on. No, I can’t agree with that, I can’t. I’m a professional restaurateur. Some people might think I’m a burger flipper. You know what? You want to have that mentality, go right ahead. You just brush those off because you’ll have that everywhere and anywhere. That never goes away, my dear, unfortunately.1

BRYANNE MYSAK: That was John Calogeris, owner of Winnipeg’s very own VJ’s drive inn. As someone who has been involved in the hospitality industry since I was just fifteen years old, I feel like I have “heard and seen it all” as some would say. For as long as I can remember, the conversation regarding skilled versus unskilled work has been controversial. The question is, has work in the hospitality industry always been considered unskilled, and if so, why?

Historically the categories of, “skilled” versus “unskilled” in the workforce were used to determine the amount of time and training that went into a job. Traditionally, skilled workers were considered to have significant training and expertise in a specific field, in other words, these would be jobs that one would typically have to go back to school for after highschool. For example, electricians, plumbers, carpenters. Unskilled workers on the other hand tend to lack training, and skill. According to historian Peter Burns, unskilled jobs are those that people “naturally know how to do” and he uses cleaners, grocery clerks, and cooks as examples.2

The concepts of skilled and unskilled labour prevalent today are mostly derived from the western industrial culture of the late 1800s and early 1900s. This period was marked by a period of "social stratification," in other words, social hierarchy and because white collar jobs became increasingly important for industrial capitalism, they quickly gained much greater respect and this was simply due to their requirement of a high school diploma and the salary rather than an hourly wage. This concept of skilled and unskilled also developed during a period when women were grossly devalued in a male-dominated society, giving rise to socially constructed notions of skill which allowed managers more control over the workforce.3 This hierarchy also gave companies a reason to severely under-pay their employees, specifically women. Employers have tried to minimise the costs associated with hiring workers in labor-intensive industries since the eighteenth century by defining most jobs as 'unskilled' or 'low-skilled'. According to Burns, because women in most societies are presumed to be naturally capable at cleaning, washing, cooking and serving and since the hospitality industry need precisely those jobs done, employers figured they could keep their labor costs low if they could define these jobs as women’s work. Men were however expected to utilize their “talents and masculinity” for more skilled, valuable positions.4

So, to me, this is extremely interesting because it provides evidence that the classification of the labour force into ‘skilled’ / ‘unskilled’ may actually have a lot more to do with factors of societal perception rather than the actual tasks performed at work. In other words, a social construct. But honestly, just because these jobs don’t bring in a six-figure salary or require a degree does not mean there is a lack of skill involved in these positions. Moreover, the skills involved in hospitality are just as valuable as those possessed by someone with a degree. For instance, think about the dish at a restaurant that has 18 components on the plate; occasionally, these components are pricey ingredients that have been fermented, dehydrated, smoked, disassembled, and reassembled and delivered to the plate via tweezers.5 This is an art. We wouldn’t devalue the art of a photographer, or a graphic designer, or an artist, so why is it that people feel they can devalue the art of work in hospitality?

There is also a significant amount of mental, physical, and emotional labour involved in hospitality too; however, this is often ignored. Working in such an environment requires more than an ability to operate a cash register, take orders and deliver food; emotional demands are made of employees to constantly be in a positive, joyful, and even playful mood despite how they may really be feeling. Customer service staff are constantly required to manage their emotions and put on a smile for the benefit of the customer and essentially business, this is literally an expectation of the job. For example, dealing with an angry customer, you may feel angry too and want to naturally react, but you have to restrain these emotions and display only the “correct” ones not only to effectively deescalate the situation, but to make the customer happy and this in itself is a skill, and speaking from experience, it’s not always an easy one. There are many other circumstances when service staff, specifically women are expected to put their feelings aside but also safety to meet a customer’s service expectations, such as sexual innuendo, suggestive jokes, unwanted bodily contact and so on.6 This is not just a recent phenomenon either; these issues have existed in the hospitality industry for as long as they have been operating. For example, in 1940 at Sivils, which was a drive-in restaurant in Huston, applicants were to be between 18-25, have a good figure and a “come hither” personality, in other words flirtatious and sexually inviting.7 Now, I’ve had the opportunity to work and train many staff over the years in my hospitality career, but there is no amount of training that can prepare someone to be a people person, moreover, have the patience, and skill it requires to deal with some of the people and situations you encounter on a daily basis. You either got it or you don’t and because this is such a huge quality of the job in hospitality simply means not everyone is cut out for it, regardless of how educated or skilled you might be.

JOHN CALOGERIS: I’ve had kids there that went to university, the one in particular and she couldn’t even do simple mathematics. Seventy cents for a coffee, she couldn’t give out the change. I’m like, “You’re not cut out for this, honey.”8

BRYANNE MYSAK: The physical labour is evident, whether you are front house staff or back house you are required to be on your feet for very long periods of time, sometimes without breaks and I can speak on this from experience. There were nights I would work a ten-hour shift without a single break because it was just too busy to take one. Or the countless nights that you were expecting to be off at a certain time, but because it was so busy you end up having to pull a double shift, or you don’t get home until three am because it takes that long to clean up after close and have to be back at 9 am. This can be extremely physically, mentally, and emotionally exhausting in itself.

JOHN CALOGERIS: They think it takes no effort. Oh, it takes a lot of effort, Janis, it takes a lot of effort. People don’t understand, they don’t see that. “Their lights were on last night. Why were they on last night at three in the morning?” “Because I was still there.” “What do you mean? What were you doing there at three in the morning?” “Doing my work.” “Oh.” And sometimes I don’t stop, only my break is after when I close.9

BRYANNE MYSAK: In addition to the excessive workload, you are required to do constant lifting and carrying, not only just dishes and trays but if you were working by yourself and a keg of beer needs to be changed for example, you can only guess who’s changing it and just for reference those are roughly 150 lbs. When food and liquor shipments are delivered, they are only delivered to a certain point within the establishment which is typically the back door, and then it is in the staff’s hands to take over, and again, these are not exactly light items.

The low skills argument also tends to neglect the opportunities that hospitality provides for the relatively easy access to entrepreneurial and management skills.10 Although you may start out in a “low wage low skill” position as Burns would say, these establishments, unlike some others always have opportunities to move up. For example, at the start of my hospitality career I typically started out as serving staff or even hostess, however, overtime I would move up to bartender, then eventually shift leader then manager. Eventually, towards the end of my career I was getting offered new opportunities starting in management positions because of the prior experience and skill I have, and this applies to all levels of hospitality, fast food, casual dining, fine dining, etc.

However, one thing I have noticed is, depending on where you work your title/level of respect may change. Between fast food, casual dining, and fine dining, it almost seems like the “classier” the establishment, the more ‘skilled’ and respected the staff are believed to be. So why is that?

Back over 100 years ago when the very first drive in restaurant (also known as carhops) opened in 1921 in Dallas Texas the fast-food experience was quite different than what we see now. What started out as a drive up, order from a limited menu, and eat in your vehicle, eventually evolved to what we see now.11

Fast food as we know it today is commonly known to be quick, affordable, and convenient with a wide variety of menu items that consist of burgers and a number of other deep-fried goods. The staff, or ‘burger flippers’ as many would call them typically work in a fast-paced assembly line preparing and cooking the fast, easy affordable food so the places we would be familiar with is like McDonald’s, Burger King, Wendy’s, VJ’s, Juniors etc.12 Throughout history flipping burgers has been considered a “low wage, low skill” job with little opportunity to advance and because of this, the idea of “burger flipping” became a potent symbol to those worried that the U.S. economy was increasingly creating more and more jobs with diminished prospects for advancement.13

Then we have casual dining which would be sit-in restaurants, so more like Boston Pizza, Sorrento’s, Montana’s, where prices are reasonable, quality service is given, good food (typically bar food, so appetizers, pizzas, pastas, so on) but in a more casual, kid friendly environment (bright lights and loud music). It is believed that in casual dining the quality of foods and services should be above a certain standard, at least better than fast food restaurants, but the food should not cost as much as at fine dining restaurants.14

In Winnipeg, fine dining would be more of a Keg or 529 Wellingtons, Hy’s steakhouse. This is where you would expect to receive exceptional service from knowledgeable staff, quality food cooked by qualified chefs often high-end steaks and seafood and in a high-quality environment, so tablecloths, indirect lighting, soft music, etc.15

So, the question is, why is it that if you’re a cook in a fast-food restaurant you’re considered a “burger flipper” but if you’re a cook in a fine dining restaurant you’re considered a skilled chef? Sure, there may be qualification differences, fine dining may require some sort of culinary background, but who’s to say these skills and others don’t exist in other service establishments? They definitely do, these skills may just present themselves in different areas other than physically cooking, like customer service skills for example. It’s also a fact that because of the high demands of a chef and lack of pay, many high-end chefs are actually leaving fine dining restaurants and choosing to work at more casual establishment, therefore, they are bringing their skill to these establishments, but it’s because its not a four- or five-star restaurant their skills are no longer valued?

Throughout history and still today there has without a doubt been a divide between skilled versus unskilled labour and workers. Although the workers in the service industry continue to maintain their position as unskilled, there is a significant amount of evidence that suggests there has been a shift from these ideas being based primarily on gender to now including class and/or economic status. Unfortunately, this is how society has been trained to think all throughout history and even now. The truth this, regardless of whether you work in fast food, casual dining or fine dining, positions in hospitality require immense skill and not always the kind that any culinary school or degree would offer you but rather, it is a learnt skill from experience that you would only get from working in the industry firsthand.

JOHN CALOGERIS: There are some people that you know are supposedly educated and they have no clue and yet the other ones that you say, you know the "unskilled" and the ones that didn’t, and they have a basic understanding of how everything should be working, and they have it all in line all in order. I learned all this stuff from the business, I never learned it in school. Percentages, amounts, this way and that way, all these things I learned firsthand from what I’m doing, I thought, “Why isn’t this in the schools? How are these kids supposed to be prepared? Do you know how to balance a cheque book? Do you know how to manage your finances? Do you know how to properly pay for your bills? Do you know how to set everything aside every month? Do you know how to set up a menu, I mean for yourself?” “I’m going to eat this and this, this particular day.” “I’ll make so much for these couple of days.” And then they had the home ec[onomics] classes, but people used to laugh at them, I thought we should have more of those. What if you’re living with a family friend, if you’re by yourself? Maybe your parents passed away, maybe you don’t have any parents. Who’s going to teach you how to cook? Who's going to teach you how to do laundry? The basic things which people overlook I find I never learnt that in school; if it was there, I didn’t see it. How's someone supposed to cook for themselves if they don’t know?16

EMMA DUBESKI: Ah, Winnipeg. The home of Folk Fest, Festival du Voyageur, the Nutty Club, and … Communist milk? Yep! You heard that right. The world of milk in the early twentieth century wasn’t solely concerned with the delicious taste and avoiding catching tuberculosis.17 In fact, you could find out quite a bit about your neighbours’ political affiliations by simply looking out the window and seeing which company was delivering their freshly bottled milk in the wee hours of the morning.

My name is Emma Dubeski and we’re going to get into the nitty gritty of the history of the People’s Co-operative Association. Together we will unpack the role that the Ukrainian immigrant working-class community in the North End of the city played in the creamery’s establishment and later successes.

As many Ukrainians began to immigrate to Canada in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, newcomers established “block” type settlement patterns, in both rural and urban settings. The North End of Winnipeg, also previously synonymous with the ‘Foreign Quarter’ of the city, was one of those distinctive spatial divisions. Divided from the other areas of the city—and by-proxy other ethnic groups—by urban infrastructure, the spatial segregation encouraged immigrant network building.18

Because of the low working-class wages, multiple families would end up sharing a home. As Jerry Szach, resident of the North End throughout the ‘30s explains, his family shared a home with another Ukrainian family and a Polish family. The home had no bathtub, no insulation, hardly any heating, and the water was often frozen in the pipes throughout the winter.19 So, the conditions were desolate, but at least the community had each other for support.

Because of the sizeable Ukrainian immigrant community in the North End, newcomers rallied together to create significant religious and secular institutions for their ethnic group. As Slavic Studies scholar Alexandra Pawlowsky notes, Ukrainian immigrants were typically noted to subscribe to radical socialist politics, because many of them were exposed to or had been active participants in the radical, social and national democratic parties in Ukraine. Those who weren’t active in politics still possessed a level of working-class consciousness from their previous work in the homeland.20

Co-operatives have been a staple for immigrants throughout Canada since the 19th century. Farm business columnist Laura Rance explains that many newcomers knew that with the exhausting work of hard agricultural labour and the desolate conditions in poor urban neighbourhoods, survival depended on collective community effort. This form of grassroots capitalism, combined with the spirit of socialist democracy meant that Ukrainians pooled together to get their own products into the market, contain price spikes, and create decent paying jobs.21

When you drive through the North End of Winnipeg today, you’ll see murals which showcase different aspects of Ukrainian immigrant life. Like, Ukrainian newspapers and scenes of Ukrainian folk dancers.22 There’s institutions like the Oseredok Ukrainian Cultural and Educational Centre and the Blessed Virgin Mary Ukrainian Catholic Church, but the history of the People’s Co-op begins with the Ukrainian Labour Temple.

The Ukrainian Labour Temple served as a headquarters for Ukrainians in the North End, especially those rallying for the trade union movement in the 1919 Winnipeg General Strike.23 The Temple provided different avenues for cultural expression and growth by the means of education and art programs, their in-house printing press, and language classes.24 Most importantly, it was a political meeting space for the community of largely working-class folks. For the communist left and the nationalist right, the entire Ukrainian community could meet under one roof to bond and organize.

The left-leaning figures in the temple wanted to create a co-operative which would sell coal and wood that would be collectively bought and sold at better prices for consumers. So, in September of 1928, the Workers and Farmers Co-operative Association—later renamed as the People’s Co-operative—was born.25 The Co-op’s overall goal was to “demonstrate that working people and poor farmers could get together and challenge the way things were done in a capitalist society.”26 Basically, they wanted to find a way for both the producers and consumers to both reap the benefits of what they were producing.

In 1931, the Co-op was looking to expand their horizons beyond fuel and wood. So, they turned to dairy production. You might be asking, why dairy? Well, that’s because it was an industry that already had a stable market year-round but was rapidly changing, and the Co-op saw their chance for success. Most importantly, it was a way to bring new people into the world of class organizations, while redirecting their economic interests into red-political ones.27 What saved them during this period of uncertainty was the community who backed them. As historian Jim Mochoruk explains, the first-generation of workers who had a dedicated belief that they could change capitalist society continued to buy shares, loan money, and “work incredibly hard to assure the success and survival of this unique institution.”28

So, how could milk be so contentious? Afterall, it’s just something that North Americans typically drink alongside their breakfast. WRONG. The nation-wide milk industry has been the centre of political and economic debates since the late 19th century.

For example, in Toronto, the often “red-baited” Toronto Housewives Association encouraged thousands of ordinary working-class women to reduce their dairy consumption and lobby for socialist policies for milk prices, regardless of whether or not they were radicals.29

For Winnipeg, the contention manifested in the price wars of the early ‘30s. This was a time where many farmers that had milk cows entered the bulk milk market to gain profit for whatever their other crops had lost in Depression era price slashes. The large overproduction of milk meant that companies had to reduce prices paid to producers by 60%, on top of gouging their prices for consumers. However, as manager Bill Sas explains, the Co-op refused to let go of their mission.30

JOHN SAS: I think the Co-op probably could be noted one thing is keeping cheap prices of in the city. Because all the other dairies knew you’d damn well better not raise the price, because the Co-op won’t go along with it. And then that’s when they fought price controls, and they said, “Let’s have them.” The other dairies wanted to go up and we would say no. The Co-op would always do a presentation of the workers. And the working people can’t afford it. The government, give more, give more support to the farmers. So, they fought it on both ends.31

EMMA DUBESKI: In the ‘20s and ‘30s, before the dairy industry became so large, it was easy enough to discern which of your neighbours was a communist—or at least didn’t mind supporting radicals—based on which horse was delivering their milk to their homes. Most people had milk and bread delivered to their homes daily. The bread industry was also one that was contentiously politicized, and most bakeries that were seen running their delivery routes were the small, family owned, largely Ukrainian and Jewish businesses. An example being the Winnipeg Workers Bakery, which fed the city during the General Strike.32 But, in the post-war years, things weren’t always so black and white when it came to milk.

ARTHUR GUNN: I think having that almost like a stigma sort of potentially could have hurt the growth of the Co-op in the early years because people did feel that they were, you know, a communist type of organization. And they were, I guess, they were more afraid of them than anything, you know?33

EMMA DUBESKI: That was Arthur Gunn, from Winnipeg’s famous Gunn’s bakery. Understandably, those who didn’t support leftist policies weren’t as interested in buying the Co-op’s products. However, for others, as milk deliveryman Murphy Dola explains, the very public support for workers and consumers was enticing enough.

MURPHY DOLA: I guess it must have made some mark on the milk… Getting back to the working people. Yes, there was a lot of loyalty until the day that they left.34

EMMA DUBESKI: Most importantly, the Co-op knew that their products’ quality was even more influential than their politics. Arthur Gunn remembers the exceptional quality of the Co-op’s products, rendering them practically unbeatable within the larger market.

ARTHUR GUNN: I do remember the, you know, the drivers coming to the bakery and bringing the milk, and the cheese, and the cream cheese. Products that were, in my estimation, unsurpassed anywhere that I had seen. We used the cream cheese in our cheesecake, and it was just absolutely the best. It was always nice and smooth. It didn’t have lumps or… You know, it just worked out really nice and it was a wonderful, wonderful product.35

EMMA DUBESKI: These high-quality products, most notably their iconic cream cheese and high-quality butter were truly the pride of the Co-op, even winning them multiple awards and blue ribbons, which they made sure to publish in their canvassing handouts.36 They quickly ventured into producing buttermilk, sour cream, and cottage cheese, which appealed directly to their European immigrant customer base.37

Considering that the North End was largely a community of European working-class immigrants, the Co-op knew that the quality of their delivery services was another key to their success. And, as milkman Murphy Dola explains, his job was no easy feat.

JIM MOCHORUK: What was your working day like when you first started?

MURPHY DOLA: We started at about four o’clock in the morning. Loading, it was very primitive. You ran to the houses, and with your bottles of milk. I think we worked at that time five days a week. And it seemed like a nice easy job, but nobody told me that wintertime was coming [laughs].38

EMMA DUBESKI: Though it was a different experience to deliver milk with vehicles rather than a horse and buggy, it was nonetheless extremely challenging due to the long hours and physical labour. As a historical overview from the Manitoba government explains, until the 1950s, cows were milked by hand in the wee hours of the morning, and had to undergo their subsequent processing, were then loaded on to buggies, and then distributed to customers’ front steps all by 7:30 a.m.

While the job wasn’t necessarily glamorous by any means, Dola also explains that he, and his co-workers, felt much pride in their jobs as milk deliverymen for the Co-op. And a part of that job meant canvassing while delivering—or encouraging milk patrons to consider purchasing small shares to help keep the Co-op running.

MURPHY DOLA: Canvassing was a part of my day each and every day. Yeah, I guess I was about the best one they’d ever had there. Because a couple of times I built it to capacity and then I’d give it away and build some more. And I always enjoyed it.39

EMMA DUBESKI: On top of their mandatory canvassing, in the earlier years of the Co-op, the deliverymen were hired on the basis of their language skills. Many of them, family of immigrants themselves, were able to communicate directly with the Ukrainians in the North End, who either had little English skills, or just formed a closer connection through their mutual language and culture.40 It was another way to strengthen and maintain their customer base throughout the harder economic times.

The success of the Co-op couldn’t withstand the rapidly growing milk market and the popularity of large chain-stores like Safeway, Sobeys, and Piggly Wiggly. On top of the growing competition, it became harder to find young Ukrainian radicals in the ‘70s and ‘80s, in comparison to the Depression and immediate post-war years. Economic upturn meant that many immigrants who were no longer facing financial difficulties were able to move out of the North end. Between 1951 to ’61, nearly 10% of the Ukrainian population had dispersed, and that number was even more noticeable in the later decades of the century. Ultimately, this signalled a larger fragmentation of the previously segregated community. Financial crisis after financial crisis, the Co-op eventually shut down in 1992 after they sold all the shares back to their employees, in a final act of altruism.41 The dissolution of the Co-op left a cow-sized hole in the heart of the North End Ukrainian and working-class communities.

ARTHUR GUNN: If someone came to me and told me, “We’re revitalizing the Co-op and we’ve got a few of these products available for sale. Would you try them?” My answer would absolutely be for sure. Yes.42

EMMA DUBESKI: For many, the Co-op left a lasting impression in terms of their products quality, their constant political work to protect workers and consumers, and the community that they had built. In the words of historian Jim Mochoruk, “As the new millennium unfolds, we need more institutions like the People’s Co-op that can help to build communities and encourage people to think in alternative, co-operative ways. We will need these ‘havens in a heartless world’ more than ever.”43

SOURCES

1 John Calogeris, interviewed by Janis Thiessen, 20 August 2019, in Winnipeg, MB, Digital audio recording, Manitoba Food History Project, Oral History Centre Archive, University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, MB. 00:36:52-00:37:10.

2 P.M. Burns, “Hard-skills, soft-skills: undervaluing hospitality’s ‘service with a smile’,” Progress in Tourism and Hospitality Research, 3 (1997): 242.

3Burns, 239.

4Burns, 242.

5 Corey Mintz, “One Simple Trick for Helping Restaurants,” TVO Today, 4 July 2022.

6Diane Seymour, “Emotional Labour: A Comparison between Fast Food and Traditional Service Work.” International Journal of Hospitality Management 19, no. 2 (2000): 159, 160, 166; Burns, 240.

7Jim Heimann, Car Hops and Curb Service: A History of American Drive-In Restaurants, 1920-1960 (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1996), 64.

8John Calogeris interview, 00:33:39-00:33:44 and 00:34:41-00:34:47.

9John Calogeris interview, 00:44:49-00:45:07.

10Tom Baum, “Skills and Training for the Hospitality Sector: A Review of Issues,” Journal of Vocational Education & Training 54, no. 3 (2002): 349.

11Heimann, 16.

12Jooyeon Ha and SooCheon (Shawn) Jang, “Attributes, Consequences, and Consumer Values: A Means-End Chain Approach Across Restaurant Segments,” International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 25, no. 3 (2013): 396-98.

13Julia Lane, Philip Moss, Hal Salzman, and Chris Tilly, "Too many cooks: changing wages and job ladders in the food industry." Regional Review 14, no. 1 (2004).

14Ha and Jang, 399-400.

15Ibid.

16John Calogeris interview, 00:47:13-00:47:50.

17For more on pasteurization and the eradication of tuberculosis in Manitoban milk, see Marion McKay, “‘The Tubercular Cow Must Go’: Business, Politics, and Winnipeg’s Milk Supply, 1894-1922” in Prairie Metropolis: New Essays on Winnipeg Social History, eds., Esyllt W. Jones and Gerald Friesen, (Winnipeg: University of Winnipeg Press, 2009), 101-126.

18Alexandra Anna Pawlowsky, “Ukrainian Canadian Literature in Winnipeg: A Socio-Historical Perspective, 1908-1991,” PhD diss., (University of Manitoba, 1997), 1-3.

19Jerry Szach, “Playing in the Shadow of the Ukrainian Labour Temple: The Reminiscences of Jerry Szach,” ed. Nolan Reilly, Manitoba History 60, (2009).

20Pawlowsky, 1-2, 7.

21Laura Rance, “Co-ops Helped Build Communities,” Winnipeg Free Press, October 13, 2012.

22“842 Main Street”, The Murals of Winnipeg, accessed March 1, 2023.

23Karen Nicholson, The Dairy Industry in Manitoba: 1880-2000 (Government of Manitoba, Historic Resources Branch, March 2002), 35.

24“AUUC@100: 100 Years of our Contribution to Canada,” Ukrainian Labour Temple Association, published May 2018, accessed March 1, 2023; Szach, 41.

25Jim Mochoruk and Nancy Kardash, The People’s Co-op: The Life and Times of a North End Institution (Halifax: Fernwood Publishing, 2000), 11.

26Nicholson, 35.

27Mochoruk and Kardash, 26.

28Mochoruk and Kardash, 51.

29Julie Guard, “The Politics of Milk: Canadian Housewives Organize in the 1930s,” in Edible Histories: Cultural Politics: Towards a Canadian Food History (Toronto: University of Toronto), 276.

30Nicholson, 35.

31John Sas, interviewed by Jim Mochoruk, 27 May 1999, audio cassette, “People’s Co-operative Limited Fonds,” Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, 00:27:19-00:28:06.

32Szach, 31.

33Arthur Gunn, interviewed by Nancy Kardash-Ursuliak, 27 May 1999, audio cassette, “People’s Co-operative Limited Fonds,” Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, 00:12:58-00:14:00.

34Murphy Dola, interviewed by Jim Mochoruk, 28 November 1998, audio cassette, “People’s Co-operative Limited Fonds,” Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, 00:13:45-00:14:18.

35Arthur Gunn interview, 00:07:57-00:08:35.

36Mochoruk and Kardash, 67.

37Nicholson, 131.

38Murphy Dola interview, 00:02:45-00:03:35.

39Murphy Dola interview, 00:07:40-00:08:11.

40Mochoruk and Kardash, 63.

41Mochoruk and Kardash, 130, 149, 167.

42Arthur Gunn interview, 00:25:20-00:25:35.

43Mochoruk and Kardash, 172.

Preserves is made possible by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and assistance from the Oral History Centre at the University of Winnipeg.

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